This is Germany
Book Notes #36
This is Germany is a book published in 1939, written from the perspective of Englishman Charles W. Domville-Fife as he toured the Third Reich just as the Sudeten Crisis ended and before WWII began. As such, he describes the Reich in its most developed pre-war form, at the height of its prosperity and cultural development. The author is on a mission of understanding in order to present Nazi Germany to the British people in a way that might facilitate mutual understanding and peace. He travelled around Germany, experiencing its culture and meeting with many people of various social stations in order to understand every aspect of Germany.
The author disabuses readers that “totalitarian” is synonymous with “tyranny.” He describes National Socialism and how the German people have a different conception of freedom than the English.
P. 34:
“National Socialism, as understood and practised in the Germany of to-day, bears little resemblance to the international form of socialism advocated in some other countries.
Without delving too deep into the ‘isms and ideologies of modern political thought, which is not within the scope of this book, it should be said here that in the Nazi creed there are the following fundamental principles:”
service to the State
the creation of a healthy nation
the obligation of every individual to improve is mental and physical condition, and to marry a person who has conformed to the same obligation
the absolute obedience of each individual to the nation’s leaders, who, in turn, must be men or women of will-power. knowledge and ability, appointed irrespective of social rank
the abolition of all rank based on ownership of property
The author cites the “well-known” German editor Dr. Paul Osthold as to why the Germans adopted a Totalitarian rather than Democratic form of government:
“The evolution of English freedom is the basis of the incomparable moral and political power which has been represented by Great Britain for centuries.
With the struggle for the formation of German freedom only grievous memories are bound up, simply because the hard an inexorable Jaw of Germany’s geographical situation has raised, not freedom, but disipline and subordination and a strong sense of duty towards the community as orgainzed in the State, to be the essential virtues and requisites of all German life and indeed existence . . .”
Dr. Osthold then comments on how ideological “fronts” have a fatal tendency to lead to war, and that relations must be adjusted to avoid war.
The author describes the German system in more detail, in which the leader, Adolf Hitler, has the party title of Führer, but constitutional title of President and Chancellor.” In general use the term “Führer and Reichskanlzer” is used to signify the unity of Party and State. Not every German is a member of the Party; membership is considered an honour, earned through various types of service, such as youth organizations, the Labor Corps, military, or paramilitary service. Leaders are
The author also describes how the German papers lack controversial politics, and neither does it take place in conversation. The papers publish explanations rather than criticisms of politics. He also describes how Germans are particularly sensitive to the foreign papers criticizing their regime.
P. 42:
“There is a noticeable sensitiveness among the German people who can read the foreign newspapers, which are on sale every- where, when a criticism of their country or of its régime appears therein and gives them the impression of being a deliberate, or misinformed, attempt to create adverse opinion in the country of its publication
[…]
Enlightenment on these points would do much to answer the frequent question addressed to foreigners- “But why does your newspaper, the ‘Red’ continually attack and misrepresent our country?"
Perhaps the easiest and most truthful answer to make is: “Because the ‘Black’, which takes an opposite view of both internal and foreign politics, has been saying too many nice things about your people and their characteristics. It is in this way that the balance of power is maintained by the Press of democracies.””
Presumably Red and Black in this case are hypothetical substitute names for actual papers, the point being that the Germans take what they read in foreign papers as “official” positions of foreign states. To their credit, they were probably right to do so.
The author discusses the organization of the State more:
P. 64:
“Here it is necessary to point out that the words “National Socialist Party,” which occur with such frequency when talking with the people of the New Germany, have a meaning entirely different to that which they signify in Britain and elsewhere. There is no political socialism as it is understood in England, and the United States or France. It can best be interpreted as extreme nationalism combined with a strong measure of social service.
Although there is no class hatred, there are classes, but the State does not recognize the right of one of the latter to obtain direct or indirect preference, position, or authority.
The Party is the whole political machine, it educates, controls, and regulates every activity within the Reich and is supported by its own Territorial, or local, forces.
[…]
All the important departments of State have a Führer, who, deriving his inspiration or orders from Chancellor Hitler, originates, organizes, and carries on the work assigned to him as an absolute ruler in his own sphere. Power, but only with full responsibility, such is an axiom of this Totalitarian State.”
A frequent theme of the book is that National Socialist Germany is not a classless society but it does seek to end class tension, resentment, or hatred.
The author comments on the German roads during his travels.
P. 99:
“Of the many visual examples of what has been accomplished during the first decade of the new régime there are thousands of miles of autobahnen. These are certainly among—and, perhaps, are actually the best—motor highways in the world.
It is no exaggeration to say that the brain and hand which, in this respect as in so many other enterprises, is bringing Germany once again rapidly to the forefront among modern nations, is doing so with a breadth of vision and a resolution that is truly remarkable.”
The highways also do not impose themselves on villages and towns: “The main motor roads pass through no village or town. Special side-roads or ‘spurs’ connect them with all inhabited settlements.”
The author also describes the efficiency savings from using the highways.
P. 111:
“These trial runs showed the advantages of the Reich Motor Roads. In the first place in the matter of speed, where a car with a maximum speed capacity of 130 kilometres per hour could travel over the Reich Motor Road at 119 kilometres per hour, or 92 per cent of its maximum capacity.
On the other band, a car having a maximum capacity of 127 kilometres per hour could only average 71, or 56 per cent of its speed capacity. This proves that the rate of speed had to be changed 16 times in travelling over the Reich Motor Road, but 44.0 times over the State highway.
The contrast in the expenditure of fuel, as shown by these tests, was even greater. On the State highway, 25 litres were used at a speed of 71 kilometres; on the Reich Motor Road, 25 litres were used at the rate of 119 kilometres, but at the rate of 71 kilometres, only 15.5 litres.
This means that on the old State highways one can travel 60 kilometres with 10 litres of benzine, while on the Reich Motor Roads one can go 105 kilometres, or 75 per cent further, at the same rate of 71 kilometres per hour.
If one travels on the Reich Motor Road at the rate of 119 kilometres, one can go 60 kilometres on 10 litres of benzine, but at a speed 68 per cent faster. Further, there is a marked saving of wear and tear on the car itself if the Reich Motor Roads are used.
Ninety-six per cent of the change of gear is eliminated, while the strain on the steering-gear, differential and brakes is reduced by about 90 per cent.”
It might seem strange for the author to spend so much time discussing highways, but this is when the development of highways was “high tech.” The U.S. Interstate Highway system was only created in 1956.
Given the timing of the book’s publication, it might be interesting to look at the situation on the Polish border.
P. 117:
“In pre-war days, the Polish agricultural labourers who crossed the frontier to work in German farms came into Stettin on Sundays in order to attend Mass in the Catholic Church. Each party was led by its own priest, and both men and women were attired in the gorgeous national costume of a past age.
I was told that the Polish girls prided themselves on the number of brightly coloured petticoats they could display on these occasions. At times so many of these garments were worn that the outer dresses stood out almost horizontal from their waists.
It was said to be a very proper attention on the part of the young men of the Polish villages adjoining the old German frontier to present a petticoat to the girl of his choice.
The possession of a number of these garments indicated the esteem and affection with which the owner was regarded by her male admirers. A curious custom prevailed here up to quite recent times, but I understand that it has now ceased entirely.”
The author describes what in english was called “Strength through Joy,” which is a guiding principle for the German Labor bureaucracy.
P. 129:
““What is K.d.F.?”
This is a question so frequently asked, both inside and outside the frontiers of Germany, that an answer, shorn of all political slogans, but one which, nevertheless, takes into account the psychological basis, must be given here to enable those who have but little knowledge of that country to-day to understand that the ideas being carried out in practice are as much concerned with inculcating hope and joy into the individual as with converting that same individual into an eager unit of the régime.
The word “idea” describes more nearly a formulated political plan than would the more familiar term of “policy,” which, to the German, conveys a hint of the controversial politics of democracy—thus nomenclature is also affected by the wide sweep of the new régime.
K.d.F. is the popular abbreviation for Kraft durch Freude, which, translated, means “Strength through Joy.”
This movement forms a branch of the German labour organization—a branch mainly devoted to the workers’ leisure hours.
And here it must be explained that, with the passing of both Trade Unions and Employers’ Federations, a new Labour organization (or front) was formed incorporating both employers and employees.
In this way great strength was given to what is virtually a union of capital and labour. This accretion of strength, numerically, intellectually, and financially, has enabled the Labour organization to accomplish much in the social field for its members.
Under the auspices of the “Strength through Joy” movement the German worker can attend theatres, concerts and educational courses, at prices well within his means; he can take part in sports previously the preserve of the well-to-do; and, possibly the most widely known of all features of this movement, he can travel through his own country or abroad at incredibly low cost.
The Berlin worker, for instance, can have a week’s holiday in the Bavarian Alps for the equivalent of £1 :10S. This includes rail fare, food, and accommodation. Or, on a similar scale, he can cruise to Scandinavia or the Mediterranean. Six liners have been chartered by the K.d.F. for their annual cruises, and four others have been specially built.”
The Germans had labor organizations such as the Leisure Time Department and required mandatory fun of its citizens.
P. 137:
“Another very important department of the K.d.F. is devoted to “Travel, Hiking and Holidays”.
In the New Germany there is not only a right to a holiday, but also the moral obligation to spend it suitably.
Briefly expressed, by the Reich Administrator of this great movement, “A holiday without travel is no holiday, The German worker is to travel, relax properly for once in the year, and to accumulate fresh strength for the coming working year.””
The National Labour Service was developed to create a compulsory labor service that would require six months of service from all men age 18-25 that would develop a system of ethics that would eliminate class difference and prevent looking down on manual labor as well and allow the manual labor not have class hatred toward intellectual laborers.
The word “Peasant” is also compelled in official use as the occupational designation for the smallest to largest landowners involved in agriculture, food production, and distribution.
It is interesting that the word “Jew” only finally appears in this context (under discussion is the Peasants’ Estates Act, which deals with succession). A Jew was not allowed hereditary succession of such estates.